Notable Tajara

Tajaran history and society has a long list of notable individuals and heroes that are known across Adhomai.

People's Republic

"Comrades, in this struggle we fight to protect the progress we have fought so hard to make in the preceding decades. Our march forever onwards for a Hadiist society must not be stopped by the usurpers who would see us become a brutish military dictatorship, nor those fetid imperialists who would restore the atrocities of the old ways."

- President Njadrasanukii Hadii, in a televised address to the people in 2452.

President Njadrasanukii Hadii

A portrait of the president, done in 2460.

Njadrasanukii Hadii, also known as Malik Hadii, was born in 2402 to the noble Njarir'Akhran Hadii line. His mother was Rajjurl Hadii, and his father Tajrhalrr Hadii. He got involved with the military at an early age, becoming a cadet for the Royal Navy at 16 and achieving a commission as a Lieutenant-Commander at 22, and leading his own destroyer as a Captain at 29. During the revolution, he briefly fought for the loyalists but was recalled to the Hadii Citadel to help defend his family's ancestral home. Following the revolution and the Hadii's rise in the new Federal Republic, Njadrasanukii was given the office of Vice-President under his brother Al'Mari Hadii.

Malik assumed the presidency in 2451 after the assassination of Al'mari. He continued his brother's early agenda of collaborating with NanoTrasen and other galactic powers. Njadrasanukii purged any suspicious elements from his administration after the Nated's coup, consolidating his power through the imprisonment and execution of anyone that threatened his regime. Further authoritarian measures were established by him; the expansion of the secret police, the rapid industrialization of the PRA, and further persecution against those who did not conform to his policies. Under Malik Hadii's control, the current form of Hadiism took shape; an ideology focused on the creation of a monolithic Tajaran culture under the unquestionable guidance of the Hadii political line. The office of the president had its powers largely expanded under his rule, allowing Njadrasanukii to control all aspects of the People's Republic government. Total loyalty to Njadrasanukii is expected from all Party members.

A state-endorsed cult of personality has been established around President Hadii. Through a robust propaganda system, republican citizens are informed daily about Malik's achievements and how only through his guidance the Republican can prosper. Portraits of President Hadii can be found in most Hadiist homes and government buildings. Njadrasanukii is known for his speeches praising his own administration and the bravery of his people; his voice can be heard frequently on the radio. While many admire him as a strong leader, others fear his ruthless ways of dealing with the opposition.

President Hadii is famous for his extreme paranoia. Very few high-ranking members of the Party have direct access to him and little is known about his private life. He is constantly surrounded by hand-picked members of the secret service; those bodyguards are always under the risk of being purged for any reason. It is rumored that he has survived more than three hundred assassination attempts.

The few Tajara who had the opportunity to know President Hadii personally, portray him as energetic, charismatic, thoughtful, but deeply paranoid and vindictive. Njadrasanukii cultivates an image of a simple Tajara; he leads a frugal lifestyle with few material needs. Because of the nature of the PRA's government, President Hadii's work and private life are deeply entangled. President Hadii's favorite pastimes are watching movies, playing Farehal, and reading books; rumors claim that Njadrasanukii has at least 20,000 Tajaran and alien books in his private collection.

Despite the outcome of the Second revolution, Njadrasanukii continues to rule the People's Republic with an iron grip. He did not give up his plans of reestablishing Hadiist hegemony over Adhomai.

A rare picture of the camera shy Tyr'adrr, taken during the closure of an illegal protest, dated to 2459.

Headmaster Harrrdanim Tyr'adrr

Harrrdanim was born in 2425 to a M'sai family serving the Hadii during the First Revolution. Wishing to follow in the footsteps of his parents, he joined the Hadiist Party at a young age. He soon caught the attention of the People's Strategic Intelligence Service due to his craftiness and was given a position in the agency. Despite enjoying moderate success during the late years of Al’mari’s rule, Tyr'adrr rose to prominence after the President’s assassination. Leading several purges within the secret service, he was able to secure a promotion as the Headmaster after the previous head was arrested for suspicious behavior. Under Tyr’addr’s control, the PSIS became the feared terror machine it is today. Heavy investments in surveillance technology, the establishment of a robust web of informants, and the large-scale repression of political opponents greatly weakened the opposition in the People’s Republic. His supposed adventures during this period have spawned an entire "spy thriller" genre in the Republic.

After helping secure President Hadii's rule, Headmaster Harrdanim focused his efforts on fighting the Liberation Army and the New Kingdom. Ruthless anti-partisan campaigns were carried out under his supervision. The displacement of Chaniska’s native population, scorched-earth tactics in Northern Ras'nrr, and the creation of Try'urma Penitentiary were among some of his orders during the conflict. His actions during the Second Revolution earned him the reputation of being merciless and bloodthirsty. In spite of several assassination attempts, ALA agents failed to murder him and he continued his reign of terror unimposed.

Even after the Armistice, Headmaster Harrdanim continues to work tirelessly to undermine the enemies of the Republic. He has a large interest in securing the Tajara population living outside of Adhomai and is responsible for the PSIS presence in District Six. He is eager to suggest more authoritarian solutions and believes in increasing, even more, the state’s control over the population. Because of the role of the Strategic Service in the government, Tyr'adrr is one of the most powerful and hated Tajara in the People's Republic. While seemingly loyal to President Hadii, many in the Party fear where Tyr'adrr's ambition might lead him.

Analytic, controlling, and cold are some of the words frequently used to describe Harrrdanim's personality. The headmaster is known to calculate every step on his way; he tries his hardest to manipulate the events in his favor. Tyr'adarr is also infamous for never assuming any kind of blame - a scapegoat, willingly or not, always shows up to take the fall. Thanks to his position in the government, little to nothing is known about his personal life.

Party Secretary Yakiv Hadii

Yakiv Hadii was born in 2412 as the second cousin to President Hadii. While too young to take part in the First Revolution, Yakiv joined the Hadiist Party as soon as he could. During Njadrasanukii’s rule, he excelled as a bureaucrat due to his organizational skills. He managed the distribution of land and the establishment of communal farms during the Republican Agrarian reforms. Through a combination of political maneuvers and nepotism, he quickly climbed the Party's ranks. Yakiv sought to further the Republican relationship with NanoTrasen, seeking their support for the development of Adhomai. This stance caused him to lose Al’mari’s favor during the years leading to the Second Revolution. He was then demoted to an unimportant position in the Ministry of Agriculture.

Yakiv returned to prominence after Rhagrrhuzau’s assassination; he was seen as a way to link Malik’s rule to his now-deceased brother. Following the abolishment of the office of vice-president, Yakiv was promoted as the Party Secretary by Njadrasanukii. He became responsible for the internal organization and reviewing applications to the Party; he was quick to remove many of his political opponents from power using his new powers. Known as unquestionably loyal to President Hadii, he became infamous for being nothing but a yes man. He continued his policy of maintaining good relations with megacorporations, lobbying for more deals with NanoTrasen. Countless Tajara were given the opportunity to leave Adhomai due to his efforts, most sold as cheap labor while some others were able to acquire higher education. During the final stages of the war, he was one of the main proponents of the need for foreign intervention to save the People's Republic.

After the Armistice, Yakiv remained as Party Secretary. He is one of the closest advisors to President Hadii, helping Malik in matters related to internal and external affairs. Despite being an orthodox Hadiist, he is eager to push for changes to appease NanoTrasen and other foreign powers in an attempt to gain their support. Many within the Party see Yakiv as a power-hungry and untrustworthy politician, eager to abuse his power to reach what he wants. Others recognize him as a cunning politician with a rather dangerous influence over President Hadii. More recent stunts such as implementing Father Valyan K’rrirran’s orphanage proposal has proven Yakiv Hadii to be seeking approval in the eyes of the citizenry.

Yakiv Hadii is a notorious opportunist and sycophant; he is always trying to acquire any kind of leverage where it might exist. Personally, this means that Yakiv is more than eager to make friends with anyone of any importance. However, the friendship might come with strings attached: a request to repay a favor or take part in a shady business. Yakiv takes full advantage of his position within the Hadiist Party to indulge himself in all luxuries available to the political elite. Because of this lifestyle, Yakiv has become noticeably overweight.

Minister of Defense Irbaykhan Mirarkiizar

Irbaykhan Mirarkiizar was born into a Hharar peasant family in 2428. He was raised around veterans of the first revolution and was always interested in their stories. Owing to the new opportunities brought by the People’s Republic, Irbaykhan enrolled in a military academy and joined the Grand People's Army as an officer. He survived the purges of the early Hadiist government because of his political reliability; as he was one of the first army leaders to support President Hadii during his ascension. This left him in the privileged situation of being one of the few properly trained officers at the dawn of the Nated’s coup.

Irbaykhan quickly climbed the ranks of the Republican Army during the Second Revolution. Making extensive use of artillery and motorized troops, he secured early victories that gave much-needed breathing room to the fragile Republic. While in command of the Dymtris Front in 2456, he pushed the New Kingdom into the defensive position that they would remain in until the very end of the war. Mirarkiizar’s final promotion during the conflict was to the theater commander of the Rass’nrr Military District. With the help of the alien allies of the Republic, he managed to recapture the main region of the continent. He was given a seat in the Ministry of Defense after the Armistice, working alongside the upper echelons of the Party to refine the Republic’s strategy.

Unlike most members of the Ministry of Defense, Irbaykhan has both political connections and practical experience in the field. This combination has made him one of President Hadii’s closest advisors in regard to military matters. Currently, he is responsible for the Hro'zamal campaign. Mirarkiizar sees the Grand People's Army as an essential component of the Hadiist state; the ever-vigilant guardian of the Republic against its enemies. The Minister believes that strict discipline and union towards a common goal is the best way to safeguard the future of the People’s Republic.

Irbaykhan Mirarkiizar is known for his disciplined and simple lifestyle. The Minister is very strict with his routine and commonly scolds Party members, other generals, and his family for being what he would call undisciplined. Irbaykhan is well-known for his unquestionable loyalty; he would prefer death over treason. He is only seen out of uniform when fishing - Irbaykhan's favorite pastime.

Minister of Technology Zhuldyz Hadii

A picture done of Zhuldyz Hadii in her lab, created in 2462.

Born in 2420 to the Hadii dynasty, Zhuldyz enjoyed the many privileges granted to her family. She grew up fascinated by the new technologies brought by human contact; she would spend hours tinkering and dismantling electronics during her childhood. Later she was sent to study in prestigious Solarian universities, where she ventured into the field of robotics. Zhuldyz returned to Adhomai in 2449 and was granted a post in the Ministry of Technology.

Using the knowledge acquired off-world, Zhuldyz drew plans with the objective of modernizing the Republic through a technological revolution. The rapid industrialization aided by mechatronics would bring prosperity to the Tajara. While many of her initial projects were abruptly interrupted by Rhagrrhuzau's assassination, she remained in her position due to being a member of the Hadii dynasty. The unstable early years of Njadrasanukii’s presidency were unfavorable towards her dreams; stopping Nated’s coup and the Royalist uprising were top priorities at the time. However, as the frontlines stagnated and a semblance of normalcy returned to the People’s Republic, Zhuldyz had the chance to convince President Hadii of her plans. Knowing that losing the war would put an end to her pursuits, she turned her genius to the military field. Victory could be achieved through technological superiority. She was one of the driving forces behind the establishment of Hadii Institute of Orbital Research, the expansion of the Orbital Fleet, and the creation of the Tesla Brigade. Zhuldyz was promoted to the office of the Minister of Technology shortly before the Armistice.

The Adhomian Cold War became the perfect testing ground for Zhuldyz's projects. She sees the period of peace as an opportunity to turn the People's Republic into a technological powerhouse. Zhuldyz believes that the future of Hadiism lies in the science and that the Republic must become advanced enough to subjugate its enemies. Minister Hadii is not interested in ethical or safe research; she is eager to pursue dangerous and questionable experiments. No price is too small to pay during the march of progress. President Hadii gave Zhuldyz near uncontested authority to lead the Ministry of Technology. She was the mind behind the creation of the first independent robotic factory on Adhomai.

Due to her upbringing, she is a brilliant scientist and a charming conversationalist, but at the same time, she frequently refuses to admit fault and is quick to scrutinize the work of others. Holding them to nearly impossibly high standards. Many scientists have been transferred to less desirable positions due to failing to meet Zhuldyz's demands. She is a notorious workaholic who only leaves her laboratory to attend political meetings.

Secretary of the Navy Hura'zhi Mira'zkui

Born in 2422 to an exiled line of minor nobility from the Zatushka Kingdom, Mira’zkui grew up in the chaos of the First Revolution as the armies of the Hadiist rebels marched across Adhomai. When the dust had settled, despite his personal wishes to enter the party itself, his family would convince him to uphold their old traditions and join the forming Republican Navy in 2447. It was then that Mira’zkui met Dynhaas and joined the Oceanmasters Lounge.

During the chaos of Dynhaas’ defection in 2450, Mira’zkui narrowly avoided his own death. Informed early by a loyal lieutenant that his own crew was plotting to kill him, Mira’zkui fled in a lifeboat and watched as his fellow officers were thrown screaming from the decks of their own ships. A few days later, he was found on the shores of Ras’nrr. As the Republic fell into chaos, Mira’zkui returned to the Republican Navy as Secretary, entrusted by Malik Hadii to fight against the pirate flotillas of the ALA and the Royal Navy. However, Mira’zkui’s loyalty was not able to make up for his inexperience. While the last of the Liberation Army’s pirate vessels were sunk, he was unable to contend with the strength of the Royal Navy and unable to achieve his personal desire: Capturing or killing Dynhaas.

Post-War, Mira'zkui has largely become reclusive and withdrawn from the public eye. While he continues to try and develop the Republican navy, Mira’zkui is forced to contend with funding going towards the projects of the Orbital Navy and Grand People’s Army. With a relationship of mutual dislike between himself and Zhuldyz Hadii, many within the party believe that Mira’zkui will likely be replaced eventually. How he would react to being denied any chance for revenge against Dynhaas is something no one knows.

Minister of Education Kalim Khazdar

Kalim Khazdar was born in 2430 to a family of Hharar foremen in the city of Tampiska. Deemed a bright child by his teachers, he was sent to study in Al'marii. Captivated by the tales of progress and prosperity brought by the interwar period, Kalim enrolled at the Al'marii College of Hadiist Sciences. He continued his studies intending to become a college teacher. During his time as a student, he became a good friend and protégé of the rector of the university, Mahir Hadii. His friendship with a member of the political dynasty opened many doors for him.

Kalim joined the Hadiist party during the Second Revolution. He later visited Tau Ceti to study the Adhomian community there; his experiences in District Six deeply affected his ideas. He saw all the social problems that those who lived under the megacorporation rule were subject to. Instead of losing faith in Hadiism, he started to believe that reforms were necessary to save the People's Republic; NanoTrasen should be a means to an end, not the end itself. Kalim returned to Adhomai in 2459 and became a college professor. Thanks to his connections, he soon got involved with the administration and politics of the university. His papers on the subject of Hadiist education were generally well-received by the academia.

With the Armistice of Shastar, Kalim Khazdar aligned himself to the Young Hadiist faction; his sympathy towards the movement was largely unknown to the Party. His ascension to the position of Minister of Education in 2463 was the result of a confidential deal between his mentor and President Hadii. Despite being considered a powerless and inexperienced politician by the other members of the Hadiist cabinet, Kalim is not to be underestimated. Cunning will be necessary to avoid the wrath of President Hadii and his lackeys. The path to a truly free People's Republic will be a long and difficult one.

Usually depicted as a wide-eyed idealist, Kalim Khazdar is anything but naive. The few years he spent navigating the political fields of the Al'mari College transformed him into a bright, yet deeply cunning individual. Kalim rarely loses hope; he prefers to spin every defeat into a minor setback to maintain morale. Many wonder how long it will take for Khazdar's optimism to be crushed by the People's Republic politics. Besides his academic and political work, Kalim has published Hadiist realist poems and short stories.

Chief Naval Commander Samirro Qarrarhaz

Born in Northern Ras’nrr in 2407, Samirro was the son of a loyal M'sai general in the Hadii Hegemony. Qarrarhaz's family raised and taught him to follow in his father’s footsteps. He would become an artillery officer in 2428, finding great success during combat against monarchist groups through using extensive shelling to force and flush out the enemy. By 2431 Qarrarhaz was moved into Southern Harr’masir to prepare for an invasion of the Kingdom of Kaltir. His artillery crews were among those who scoured the Kingdom following its surrender, shelling whatever villas, castles, and manors they had found. A staunch ally of Al’mari Hadii and his family, Qarrarhaz has always stood by the Hadii family and the republic they had later built.

While also providing training for future artillery commanders in the interwar period, Qarrarhaz became part of a committee formed by President Al’mari Hadii to plan and prepare a space fleet for the PRA. He, along with other committee members, traveled to the Coalition of Colonies' planets of Xanu Prime and Himeo to observe anti-piracy operations in order to better develop the PRA’s own future space warfare doctrine in 2452. When the Orbital Fleet was completed by 2457, Qarrarhaz was appointed Chief Naval Commander by President Malik Hadii. Since then, he has won numerous victories against piracy, smugglers, and even bested a Sol cruiser.

Post-war, Qarrarhaz continues to lead his spaceships and Kosmostrelki in the defense of the PRA’s claimed space. Comfortable and experienced in his position, Qarrarhaz has begun to speak more on the future of the PRA’s ventures into space. Controversially, the Commander has stated that the PRA must eventually extend its hand to the numerous small colonies and off-worlder communities dotting the frontier around them. Arguing that Hadiism’s light must be spread beyond Tajara, it is his belief that the PRA must one day uplift these groups from their poverty and absorb them into the state.

Yasmin Piaf

A piece of a poster, promoting Yasmin Piaf's concert, 2463.

Yasmina Burokov, aka Yasmin Piaf, was born in 2434 in the suburbs of Nal'tor to a particularly well-off Njarir'Akhran family. Yasmin's father, Boris Burokov was a low-ranking State department official and devout loyalist of the People's Republic. She spent her childhood being educated in the best State-run schools their family could afford and enjoyed relative wealth and prosperity far from the poorer outskirts of the city.

Even from a young age, Yasmin was interested in music. She was part of her school's choir and participated in several nationwide contests for the honor of singing for President Rhagrrhuzau Hadii. The all-female 'Band of Njarir Maidens' consisting of Yasmin and her classmates eventually won and sang for the President and other members of his cabinet at the end of the annual military parade held in Nal'tor. Eventually, she graduated and went on to the Academy of Musical Arts with a full scholarship.

Talent scouts pruning the burgeoning academy's student pool for the next starlet eventually discovered Yasmin during rehearsals for the school's upcoming musical, and she signed a tentative deal with the small publication Vostak Recordings. Her first record, simply titled The Man in Rouge, was released with minimal fanfare. Given that she had sung a small solo during her performance for the President, some Tajara recalled her name.

Yet her voice, described by some as angelic and innocent, found purchase with an aging generation of Tajara who wished a brief return to peaceful normalcy following the First Revolution. Her dedication to the traditional pop standard and recognition for torch songs eventually elevated her to the status of a household name, with her recording label releasing hit after hit. As a result, Yasmin Piaf has become one of the most famous singers in the modern era - one who has fostered a close relationship with State officials. She is one of the few artists who are approved to be played on State radio KGTW-11.

Andrey Borisov

Out of all the Tajara that one could argue embody loyalty to the People’s Republic, perhaps none are more memorable than Andrey Alexander Borisov. In the average Republican household, his name is just as common as President Hadii’s, owing to the fact that he is the face of State propaganda and news network RAFИ. Born in 2416 to a line of M’sai warriors, Andrey was not even two years old before humanity stumbled across Adhomai and lit the flame that ignited the First Revolution.

Andrey’s father and uncle were killed in the uprising, leaving him, his mother, and his sister alone to fend for themselves. His mother curried favor with the local rebel leader when their town fell to the onslaught of war; she became his concubine and, later, his wife. The ever-advancing front saw Andrey moved from home to home, where the young M’sai would often spend time talking to soldiers recovering after harsh fighting. They nourished a sense of patriotism in him, and eventually, he came to see the First Revolution as necessary for the future of the Tajara.

The war ended in 2432, when he was merely 16 years old. As the newly founded People’s Republic began the arduous transition from a movement to a government, Andrey’s connections with the upper echelon of PRA politicians bore fruit. He was taken on as a member of an officer’s general staff, headquartered in Nal’Tor, where he served as little more than a glorified secretary. His position put him in contact with the elite, however, and many found him charming and personable. His silver tongue earned him the interest of Dmitrys Marakov, the owner of the only State-approved television station at that point in time.

His ascension from lowly secretary to the major news anchor for RAFИ was one that involved plenty of political maneuvering, money - and, rumored by some, violence - but ultimately Andrey had proved his loyalty to the political elite of the People's Republic and he was rewarded with the honor of being their mouthpiece. As a result, no Tajara on Adhomai can go very long without seeing his smiling face on their television set, spinning the next story or cover-up at the behest of the State.

Democratic People's Republic

"We are soldiers. We are fighters. We are war. We have forsaken the corrupt and decaying corpse of the xeno-loving People's Republic. We have left our homes and our families, but our cause is righteous. The suns are with us! The vile usurper of my friend and comrade Al'mari will have justice delivered to him! We will spill the blood of our enemies until our struggles are seen and heard, and we WILL retake OUR Republic!"

- Supreme Commander Halkiikijr Nated'Hakhan, the day after the coup de tat began, 2451.

Supreme Commander Halkiikijr Nated'Hakhan

A surprise picture of Nated, taken in 2458.

Halkiikijr Nated'Hakhan was born in 2404 to a M'sai family under the service of the Hadii Dynasty. The son of a royal guard, Nated interacted with many Njarir children in his early life. He grew to resent their narcissism but was prepared to inherit his duty nonetheless. When the First Revolution ignited in 2421, Halkiikijr fought for the loyalists alongside the Hadii family. Becoming a battle-brother of Rhagrrhuzau Hadii, or better known as Al'Mari Hadii, Nated stood with the Hadii’s decision to abandon their royal roots and join the revolutionaries. When the war ended Al'Mari was sworn into office, Halkiikijr was made a Commander in Chief of the Republican Army in return for his service.

Al'Mari supposedly made promises of swearing-in Halkiikijr as the next president of the People's Republic once the political climate on Adhomai had stabilized. The legitimacy of this claim is not known, but what is known is that Al'Mari was assassinated during a military parade in 2451 and Njadrasanukii Hadii, vice president of the People's Republic, swore himself in as the successor of the presidency. Outraged at the assassination and accusing Njadrasanukii of treachery against the People’s Republic, Nated organized a coup against Malik. Bringing together military commanders dissatisfied with the new Hadiist policies, Halkiikijr created the Adhomai Liberation Army to dethrone the new President. He then took the title of Supreme Commander.

As the putsch attempt was thwarted by the Hadiist forces, Nated fled to Shastar City. The coup then turned into a full-blown civil war between the Liberation Army and the People’s Republic. Without off-world help, Nated called to arms anyone willing to support his cause. His movement became a unifying front to all kinds of elements opposing President Hadii; from democratic reformers to extremists fighting to free Adhomai from alien influence. For a decade, Halkiikijr led the Liberation Army as an effective opposing force against the People’s Republic and the New Kingdom. He favored the extensive use of irregular warfare coupled with the deployment of the army to secure decisive battles. A cult of personality formed around Halkiikijr; extremists claimed that he was a prophet sent by the Gods. The Supreme Commander took advantage of this belief to cultivate undying loyalty and fanaticism among his followers.

Believing that the territories under his control were ready for a democracy modeled after the Al'mariist principles, Nated's undisputed rule came to an end with the creation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Adhomai. Halkiikijr retired from his position as Supreme Commander to prevent a coup against the newly elected president. His retirement did not last long; he returned to power because of the Amohdan crisis in 2462. Nated was given back the control of the Liberation Army and its remaining juntas to retake the Island of Amohda. After this display of weakness, Halkiikijr is unsure if the DPRA is truly ready to rule Adhomai. For him, the ALA is now more essential than before. Nated also faces infighting between his two right-hand men; commander Kahan and Kyff.

While some may call Nated an opportunist or a loyal friend to Al'mari, what is certain is that he is determined. Both in his personal and political life, the Supreme Commander is known to never lose sight of his objectives. This might lead him to make promises that might be hard to fulfill, but Halkiikijr rarely goes back on his word. Because of his association with the most radical elements of the ALA and his tendency of using his position of authority to interfere in disputes, he is a firm believer that the end justifies the means. Because of the utility of his cult of personality, Nated avoids exposing much of his private life.

Commander Kahan Hro'rammhad

Commander Hro'rammhad in his summer uniform, taken in 2461.

Kahan Hro'rammhad was born in 2412 to a Hharar family as their oldest children. A peasant from birth in the region of Southern Harr'masir, he was taught the traditional values of S'rendarr and Messa by his deeply religious parents. His childhood was cut short by the outbreak of the First Revolution; his family was expelled from their lands by the war. Thanks to its flat terrain, Southern Harr’masir saw the first deployment of armored vehicles in the conflict; trains, civilian cars, and trucks were outfitted for warfare by the rebels. Hro’rammhad joined the crew of an armored car as soon he turned 14 years old. Because of the high mortality among the revolutionaries, Kahan quickly found himself in the command of his own brigade. He became famous for his excellent use of the vehicles’ speed to encircle the enemy, and for his merciful nature. Monarchists soldiers were always given the chance of joining his side after capture. Hro’rammhad also forbade unnecessary executions and mistreatment of prisoners among his fighters.

Commander Kahan and his brigade were incorporated into the Hadiist faction shortly before the end of the First Revolution. As a member of the Republican Army, he was a major proponent of the transformation of the People’s Army into a motorized force. Tank brigades and motostrelki units were created under his supervision. Kahan funded the reconstruction of many temples destroyed during the revolution and frequently donated to charity through the interwar period. Hro’rammhad joined Nated’s coup due to his profound disagreement with Malik’s policies; he saw the oppression of the Zhan-Khazan as morally corrupt. Armored units that defected alongside him were organized into the Hro'rammhad Tank Corps under his command.

Hro'rammhad remained a merciful and pious Tajara through the Second Revolution. He rejected the notion of irregular warfare and continued to offer mercy to his enemies. As the leader of the main armored force in the Liberation Army, Kahan played an important role in decisive battles. This position allowed him to become a right-hand man for Nated. As part of his religiousness, Hro'rammhad considered the conflict to be a battle to protect the faith against the innate atheism of Hadiism. Religious imagery and motifs became common among his Tajara. The men under Commander Kahan Hro'rammhad are known to have the utmost respect for his bravery and mercy, most even going so far as to worship him as an embodiment of S'rendarr's justice. His success during the civil war earned him the nickname of “Undefeated Commander".

Despite the armistice, Commander Kahan remains as one of the second-in-command for Halkiikijr. He is an avid supporter of the transition to democracy, advocating for the dismantlement of the juntas. This position earned him many enemies among the more authoritarian elements within the Liberation Army. He is known to despise Commander Kyff Hotak for his tactics and personality. Both Tajara are currently engaged in an internal struggle to consolidate their influence over the Liberation Army.

Thanks to his religious upbringing, Commander Kahan is a forgiving and honest individual. He may be eager to let bygones be bygones, but he is not easily fooled by malicious intentions; anyone trying to take advantage of him will not have an easy time. Hro'rammhad enjoys spending his free time with his family. His thirty years-long marriage sired nine children - three of whom lost their lives in the Second Revolution.

Commander Kyff Hotak

A picture of Commander Hotak along with his pet Farwa, taken with flash in 2458.

Born in the year 2406 to a family of Zhan-Khazan miners in the Trizar, Kyff Hotak was supposedly destined to slave away for his Njarir master as his ancestors did for many generations. To avoid this fate, Hotak fled his home as a young Tajara. He ran into the wilderness until he found a bandit camp. Because of his age, the brigands decided to adopt Kyff as the group’s mascot. The boy grew up witnessing all kinds of crime and violence; later taking part in the band’s activity when old enough. The bandits sided with the rebels during the First Revolution in search of plunder. But their greed was their undoing; the criminals were massacred by the revolutionaries after they were discovered stealing rations. Hotak survived by being the one to report the activities of his previous comrades. As the war dragged on, Kyff became more bold and cruel in his revolutionary activities. He frequently engaged in assassinations, massacres, and false flag operations to crush the monarchists’ morale. Hotak was soon feared by his comrades and hated by his enemies. To him, everything was permissible to achieve victory. Impressed by the victories of the Hadii faction, he joined them as part of the early Ha'narr Corps.

The interwar period was fairly unremarkable for Kyff Hotak; he was given a low-ranking office position in the intelligence department. While Hotak advocated for the recreation of a force similar to the Mountain Ghost Corps, his request was ignored by the Hadiist high command. Memories of his excess in the First Revolution stopped Hotak from receiving any further promotions. He grew discontent with the People’s Republic, believing that he deserved more for his service. Seeing Nated's coup as an opportunity to rise to power, Kyff defected to the Liberation Army without hesitation.

Hotak organized his own unit of commando early into the war; a battalion trained in stealth operations. As a major proponent of irregular warfare, he also helped organize guerilla cells and coordinate terrorist attacks. The success of these groups granted him enough influence to become one of Nated's right-hand men. However, Commander Kyff quickly returned to his old ways; he started to wage a campaign of unrestrained terror. The presence of his soldiers became a harbinger of indiscriminate persecution, murder, excessive property requisition, and collective punishment against any community suspected of working with the enemy. Despite the protest of the civilian population and Commander Kahan, Halkiikijr refused to replace Kyff. Taking advantage of his reputation, Hotak ordered his Tajara to spread stories of him being the earthly manifestation of Messa's wrath. This tactic proved to be effective both among his enemies and allies.

Commander Kyff Hotak remains in service even after the armistice. Many within the army and the civilian administration desire to see Hotak punished for his war crimes, but Supreme Commander Nated continues to protect him. Kyff is a hardline supporter of the more authoritarian elements in the government and desires a strong centralized leadership above all else. He and Commander Hro'rammhad are rivals; both Tajara commonly fight each other over which direction the Liberation Army should go. Hotak is always accompanied by his pet Farwa, Ghiyath.

What little is known from Kyff's personal life does not paint a picture much different from his time in the army. Cold, ambitious, and cruel are some of the terms commonly used to describe Hotak. For him, other people are merely stepping stones on his path to power. To maintain his mythical image as Messa's wrath, he avoids any kind of social interaction with anyone outside of his inner circle. Kyff is a famous animal lover - besides his Farwa, he is also the proud owner of several domesticated Ha'rrons.

President Almrah Harrlala

A portrait of the president during one of her speeches, done in 2461.

President Almrah Harrlala was born in 2426 to a family of Hharar factory workers in Shastar City. While her childhood was relatively unaffected by the First Revolution, she enjoyed many of the benefits brought by the People’s Republic during the interwar period. Being the first member of her household to receive a proper education, she became involved in the Party’s politics at a considerable young age. She believed that a stable democracy built upon the will of the people was the best path for Adhomai. She was also wary of the presence of megacorporations on the planet, considering their activities as harmful to the development of the Tajara species She campaigned for more worker’s rights and laws restricting corporation’s activities in the PRA. Almrah held a position within the Party until the ascension of President Njadrasanukii Hadii; he ordered the arrest of Harrlala due to her views.

Harrlala was held prisoner in Shastar during the first moments of the Civil war, only the capture of the city by the Liberation Army saved her from being transferred to another location. Hoping to continue her career in politics, she aligned herself with the rebels. Even if the despotic and extremist tendencies of the ALA worried Almrah, she held to Nated's promise of saving the Republic. She was given the position of Provisional Minister of Civil Rights when the Democratic People’s Republic of Adhomai was established.

As the Minister of Civil Rights, Almrah worked to protect the regional identities present in the DPRA. Her campaign to end military rule over the country while still upholding the principles of Al’mariism made her a popular figure among the moderate sectors of the population. Seeking to expand her political influence, she founded the National Adhomai Worker's Party. She was one of the candidates in the presidential elections of 2460; she won the office of president by a narrow margin. President Harrlala’s ascension to power displeased the authoritarian wing of the Liberation Army, the military then planned a coup to restore their own rule. The putsch was stopped by the intervention of Supreme Commander Nated, who later resigned from his position to grant more powers to the civilian administration.

Following the Armistice, President Almrah Harrlala continued with her internal policies while maintaining a strong stance against foreign dominance. Under her rule, schools to preserve local cultures and languages were established, Gakal’zaal was liberated from the Unathi rule, and the DPRA developed its nuclear program. Her status as one of the first female rulers in modern Tajaran history has inspired many women to engage in DPRA politics. However, her regime is plagued with deep issues. The ghost of separatism lingers over the nation after the Amohdan attempt to secede. Her ability to reconcile the various factions in the government was severely doubted when she failed to draw a plan to handle the rebellious island. Since the return of Halkiikijr to power, the authoritarian elements see this as a moment of weakness in the young Republic. President Harrlala must be ready to face further opposition if she wants to see her vision of Adhomai come to life.

Often described as patient and focused, President Almrah Harrlala is not easily dissuaded from pursuing her objectives. When faced with hardship, she prefers to withstand the storm while continuing to work on her projects. Alongside her hectic political career, Almrah leads a modest life without much excitement or luxuries. In her sparse free time, she enjoys playing Mahmrro and visiting Das'nrra's countryside.

Ex-interim President Brajrr Alnadruskiy

Born in 2423 in the city of Mztel’mir, Brajjr Alnadruskiy was the youngest child of a family of brewers. He later joined the Republican Army at 17 years old, slowly climbed the ranks through diligent service to the military. Brajrr attributed the prosperity of interwar Adhomai to the strong leadership of President Al’mari; he believed that the Republic always needed a strongman in control to succeed. He severely doubted Malik’s competence because of his decision to undo his brother’s reform.

Brajrr finally rose to prominence with Nated's coup. Upon hearing of the revolution, he rallied the Liberation Army’s aligned troops in Das’nrra to assault Shastar. Alnadruskiy's attack was successful and he was named the Rrhaza-Akhran of the city. Shastar became the headquarter of the ALA, giving Brajrr a reasonable amount of influence within the army high command. He was known for his rigorous discipline and unforgiving nature. Many war prisoners were forced into labor by his orders. Brajrr was given the position of Interim President when the Democratic People’s Republic was created.

Alnadruskiy ran for president in the 2460 elections, seeking to centralize the nation and maintain the Army’s sway over the government. He founded the Free Tajaran People’s Party, gathering the most authoritarian elements in the Republic. After Almrah Harrlala’s victory by a narrow margin, he took part in the putsch against the newly elected president. Despite the defeat of the mutiny, Brajrr managed to convince Halkiikijr that he was forced by the extremists to join them. He was released and allowed to return to politics.

Ex-interim President Brajjr Alnadruskiy now leads the opposition to Harrlala’s regime. He continues to support a centralized state under the leadership of Supreme Commander Nated. Even when the successes of the current administration displease him, their latest crisis has given him enough to challenge Almrah. The return of Halkiikijr to the control of the Army is also considered a victory for him and his followers. Alnadruskiy awaits for the right moment of weakness to retake control of the DPRA.

Brajrr Alnadruskiy is notorious for his unforgiving and rigid personality. He never forgets or forgives any wrongdoing, no matter how small. Brajrr has a large collection of grudges - he diligently waits for the opportunity to exact revenge upon those who wronged him. Alnadruskiy is also unreasonably stubborn; he rarely takes other points of view in his decisions. The Ex-interim President is a compulsive and skilled gambler; his favorite game is Suns and Moon.

Maksym Razin

Born in 2423 to a family of M'sai foresters in Southern Ras'nrr, Maksym was raised in a deeply religious household. As a follower of Mata'ke, he spent his youth learning the skills necessary to become a hunter. At the age of 25, he joined the Priesthood of Mata'ke after hunting an exceptionally large, Tajara-eating Ha'rron who was terrorizing the region. Maksym became a firebrand priest who preached against the alien presence in Adhomai. He supporter Al'mari late policies as a sign of an inevitable religious revival. Razin's service was cut short because of the outbreak of the Second Revolution.

Deeming Njadrasanukii's rule to be an active danger to the Ma'ta'ke faith, Maksym joined the Liberation Army. In Supreme Commander Nated, he saw the very image of Mata'ke - a Tajara sent by the Gods to defeat the enemies of Adhomai despite overwhelming odds. Thanks to the usefulness of his skill as a hunter in guerilla warfare, Razin quickly climbed the ranks; in a matter of time, he became the Rrhaza-Akhran of Mezuma. He was known for making extensive use of ambushes and traps. During his time in the liberation arm, Razin was an avid supporter of Hotak. After the failed putsch of 2461, Maksym followed Nated's example and stood down as a junta leader.

As a member of the Followers of Nated, Maksym Razin was elected to be a representative in the National Assembly. In his time in politics, Razin became acquit In the 2464 elections, he was chosen to be the candidate for the presidency. With or without the approval of Commander Nated, he now plans to turn the Democratic People's Republic into a holy realm free of the Alien influence; a nation guided by the wills of the Gods. Maksym is not afraid of doing whatever it might take to ensure the triumph of Theocratic Natediism. He firmly believes that Nated will return to the leadership of the DPRA after his followers have seized the government.

Maksym is a notorious thrill seeker; no challenge is too small for him. His trophy wall is covered with all types of Adhomian animals. His bravery is only matched by his zealotry; Razin's faith plays a central role in his life. He rarely takes any meaningful decision without consulting the Gods through rituals or before saying a prayer.

Bakhteiarova Mirzakhani

A portrait of Bakhteiarova in her farm, which artistically features Messa and S'rendarr's light behind her. The portrait was done in 2460.

Born in 2435 on a small farm in Northern Ras'nrr, Bakhteiarova was likely destined to spend her life as a mere farmer. Destiny was abruptly changed with the assassination of President Al'marii. As a Zhan-Khazan, she saw her family join Nated's side due to the discrimination of her people. While too young to take part in the revolution, she was old enough to understand what was to come. As the war dragged on, she witnessed the death of most of her relatives, the destruction of her land, and the nuclear strike at Quizosa.

Left without anything but scars, Bakhteiarova fled to Southern Ras'nrr as a refugee. There she became involved in the still young Ruralist cause. The memories of Hadiist war machines and the bomb were enough to convince her that the real culprit was modernity itself. Moved by a mixture of nostalgia for better times and a legitimate concern for Adhomai's environment, she became deeply involved in the movement. Thanks to her background and experiences, she was able to bridge the gap between the Ruralist and Environmentalists of the Adhomian Blue Party. She worked alongside the party's theorists to make sure that the Ruralist Experimental Farms were viable.

Mirzakhani was chosen as a candidate for the 2464 presidential elections by the Adhomian Blue Party. As a committed Ruralist, she is eager to implement their plan of returning to an idealized pre-industrial society. However, she recognizes that implementing such a project is impossible without reuniting Adhomai. Bakhteiarova may be willing to work with the rest of the DPRA to achieve the Al'mariist victory, but she has no interest in ever giving up her dream - an Adhomai free of the evils of modernity; an idyllic paradise the Tajara once held. Besides the other parties and candidates, her main political enemy is Ahem Kah'nrir, the warlord who continues to strangle her homeland.

Because of her upbringing, Bakhteiarova Mirzakhani enjoys the simple things in life. Listening to the folktales, taking care of her garden, and riding a Zhsram are among her favorite activities. Either because of her duties or some unknown personal reason, Bakhteiarova frequently appears to be tired. Rumors claim she has trouble sleeping and must make use of medicine to rest properly.

Dr. Aleksandra Hro'makar

The first and thus far only incident of weapons of mass destruction being employed on Adhomai happened in 2458, when the People’s Republic dropped a four-megaton nuclear bomb on the Liberation Army base in Quizosa. The death toll from the detonation was staggering, but the fallout from the bomb was carried on strong winds, leading to severe cases of radiation poisoning from the neighboring camps.

Tajara medical experience with radiation poisoning and the effects of nuclear bombs were practically non-existent. The only species in the galaxy that had the technology long before the Tajara were Xenos, and the Liberation Army did not have the luxury of free contact with extraplanetary forces. With the sick and dying mounting, a call for help was sent out to the surrounding territories. Many physicians and doctors made the long and difficult journey in the winter snows to help - at the forefront of them, Dr. Aleksandra Hro’makar.

The effects of the bomb were catastrophic. Survivors were badly burned. Their fur fell out, never to grow back again - leaving them susceptible to Adhomai’s frigid temperatures. Their skin peeled off in sickly ribbons, hanging limply to the ground. Doctors were at a loss, with only a rudimentary understanding of what could have happened. Dr. Aleksandra took a sort of unofficial command of the medical effort, and coordinated efforts to assist the sick and dying.

Liberation-sympathetic Tajara, at her prodding, recovered as many documents as they could regarding the atom bomb from PRA-aligned holdings, downloading information from the extranet and thieving textbooks from high-security locations. Thanks to her ingenuity and leadership, the haphazard medical team of doctors saved a great many innocents from a slow, painful death - though they would have to live with the effects of the bomb for the rest of their lives. Dr. Aleksandra is widely known for her opposition to nuclear proliferation, due to her experiences, and has become the face of a growing anti-WMD movement across Ras’narr.

Arzjun Haurjuhrl

Rumors persist that Arzjun Haurjuhrl was sired out of wedlock, a result of an affair between a Zhan-Khazan mistress and a rebel leader. He was born in 2427 in the warmer regions near the city of Olska, and lived alone with his mother. He was scarcely a child when the war ended and the People’s Republic came to prominence. Both he and his mother suffered much in the way of discrimination - for being Zhan-Khazan as well as having a bastard child. This disconnect between what the People’s Republic promised and the way they were treated caused the young Arzjun to become disillusioned with the Republic.

He was further tested when his mother suddenly fell ill and died in the winter of 2445. With nothing left tying him down, abandoned as he had been by Adhomain society, he took what little funds they had been saving and paid a smuggler to carry him off-world. It took every penny but eventually, he found himself in Mendell City, carrying nothing but the clothes on his back. For a time, he lived on the streets, forced to beg to make ends meet. He soon found work at one of the shelters he had often stayed at. The community of Little Adhomai was more welcoming to him than the homeworld had been.

Deciding to pay back the kindness he received, he took part in many community outreach programs, including plays and dramas for the children of Little Adhomai. His passion for the arts as a medium of expression took root here, and his name rose to some prominence amongst the local Tajara population thanks to his charity work. He aspired to work on his own big picture and got his chance thanks to the collective donations of many Tajara. Wealthy Xenos also had an interest in seeing what the immigrant could do, though perhaps a few thought it would look good as a public relations move.

The script he wrote went through many revisions and sat for a good while before it was picked up by a studio. The community who had helped him before had done it once again; the surprise blockbuster When Summer Came to Nazira was one of the top ten highest-grossing films in Biesel history. Its anti-tyranny message was seen by some as an expression of the director’s own viewpoint on the People’s Republic. In some ways, they were correct - Arzjun is a quiet supporter of the DPRA, which has put him at odds with the Republican government. As a result, his film is banned from showing on Adhomai - though this has not stopped smuggled copies from being distributed amongst DPRA theaters.

New Kingdom

"Loyal subjects, countrymen, brothers. It is with a heavy heart that I must announce that we must conscript from the provinces in order to maintain our fight in this war. However, you are not alone. Even as the new compulsory service legislature is passed, the aristocrats across the kingdom are likewise mobilized under a new service gentry system, so that all of the Kingdom is together in this struggle."

- King Vahzirathaamro Azunja, announcing the beginning of conscription and formalization of the service gentry in 2453.

King Vahzirthaamro Azunja

A picture taken of King Vahzirthaamro Azunja, presenting his saber, circa 2450. The black ribbon marks his death.

King Azunja was born in 2400 in the city of Kaltir to the noble Njarir’Akhran Azunja line. His father was Farkhanzirhal and his mother Dramahdarmah. Located in the far reaches of Kaltir, the Azunja family line was one of compassion and fair treatment, as only in unity and brotherhood could they hope to survive the harsh far reaches of Northern Adhomai. Their peasants were kept well and treated with dignity, and the nobles, while privileged, never indulged in cruelty. A noble paige since the age of 10, Vahzirthaamro excelled in reading and writing from an early age. He prepared to inherit the family throne as the sole son of his parents until the first civil war of Adhomai ignited in 2421.

When war broke out between the nobility and peasants, house Azunja was hesitant to pick sides, as they disagreed with the morals of both sides. Their distant position in the wild made them capable of ignoring the war until its end, as the Hadii family was placed at the head of Adhomai in 2432. Carrying the flags of the newly founded People's Republic of Adhomai, the Republic's army demanded the surrender of all nobility in Kaltir. The entire populace requested to be left in peace, as the peasantry and nobility there had never declared war on one another. Believing the peasants were utterly spineless and brainwashed, the People's Republic executed all current nobles ruthlessly, scattering the royalty of the region. Vahzirthaamro was placed in prison by his father's retinue of intellectuals, who declared he had to remain hidden amongst the lowest of the low if he wished to stay alive. From that moment on, Vahzirthaamro Azunja knew that peace was impossible so long as a compromise was not made, and a true constitutional monarchy was made the unanimous government on Adhomai.

Word passed amongst the Tajara at the work camps about the possibility that Vahzirthaamro still lived as many pre-war intellectuals gathered with him in private. They spun every possibility of a government, even discussing adopting human political systems as they gathered workers, fighters, poets, and philosophers to form an organized nation as they spread their ideas to the guards of the facility, a majority of which who were old peasants under the Azunja family who thought the entirety of the nobility had been executed. Delighted to see his return, they joined his side and swore allegiance to his family once more.

In 2449, in the middle of the night, Vahzirthaamro was released in secret along with the entirety of his retinue, as they quickly spread from town to town, asking for assistance from newly appointed officials and workers. Before long, the reminiscent families of the Kaltir region were happy to rejoin their flock. By 2450 his claim to rule had spread to all of Northern Harr'masir, and the New Kingdom of Adhomai officially seceded as an independent nation under the newly declared King Vahzirthaamro Azunja. He then led the Kingdom for the next decade, managing the balance between the different factions within the government and the ongoing war. Vahzirthaamro became a unifying figure for the population. After successfully securing Kaltir's ancient lands and negotiating the armistice that brought the end to the war, King Vahzirthaamro passed away in 2463. His niece, Shumaila Azunja, inherited his throne.

Queen Shumaila Azunja

A portrait done of Queen Shumaila Azunja, holding the ceremonial orr'bu s'rrendar, circa 2460.

Shumaila Azunja was born in 2431 in Northern Harr’smirr, as the daughter of one of the kingdom’s princes. She survived the Republican slaughter by being hidden away among the peasantry, raised in secret by individuals still loyal to the old ruling dynasty. From a young age, Shumaila began to participate in secretive royalist circles within Kaltir. Here, she began her service to the kingdom by helping distribute leaflets proclaiming the coming of the New Kingdom of Adhomai. When the uprising broke out in 2450, she joined the new Imperial Adhomian Army. Shumaila then rose through the officer ranks quickly, becoming a commander in the Jabrut Almumalik and establishing a name for herself on the front.

Many of those who served under Shumaila describe her as being a woman of unbreakable will, never faltering as casualties stacked or as barrages shattered the ground around her. Some even say she wouldn’t even blink at the sight of the PRA’s dreaded tanks rolling towards the lines. For her exploits in the war’s 2459 offensive and the defense of the Vlrralkhzazhul line, Shumaila came to be known as “The Storm of Harr’smir”, matching her iron will with a burning fury to destroy the kingdom’s enemies.

In 2460, after meeting with several prospective heirs, King Vahzirthaamro had chosen his niece Shumaila to serve as the Crown Heir. Although the majority supported this decision alongside most of Parliament and the nobility, a large fraction remained wary of the decision of a military leader over other options. However, this opposition has shrunk over the past few years. Shumaila remains strong on her position of expanding the military, but she has also spoken about increasing ties to the galaxy’s Megacorporations to modernize the New Kingdom. Nor has she made any comments regarding changing the democratic systems of Parliament and the Chamber. Coupled with her public appearances and active presence in the newspapers, many woes and worries of her ascension have been dissuaded.

Since entering the public eye in 2459, Shumaila enjoys much support from the women of Kaltir. Many look to her as an inspiration, buying “military” style jackets to emulate her look, given that Shumaila became one of the few Tajara women to lead a nation. However, this fame has also led to calls from the nobility and her family to choose a husband. Shumaila retains that her marriage comes after her coronation. She was finally crowned in 2463 after King Azunja passed away. Outside of continuing her uncle's legacy, her plans to the Kingdom are still unclear to the wide public

Often called headstrong, Queen Shumaila's personality is very different from her predecessor. She appears calm and resolute during her public apparitions, however, rumors claim that she has frequent bouts of rage while in private. During her free time, Shumaila enjoys collecting and riding cars, playing Traiaz, and hunting. She has shown little to no interest in arranging a marriage to secure a direct heir.

Field-Marshal Vyakelas Klyuchevsky

Born in the Rasn’rr Empire in 2423, Vyakelas was just a young child when his family was deposed and removed from power in the First Revolution. Much of his dynasty was killed in the Njarir’akhran massacres and Hadiist purges that followed. But, Vyakelas and his siblings had managed to survive. They hid themselves among priestesses of Marryam that agreed to shelter them in exchange for what little riches they had left. During this time he began to engage with several priests and priestesses of the Mata’ke pantheon and learn more about the faith. Overtime Vyakelas began to develop a devotion to Rrredouane in the hopes of being granted better fortunes. He also grew a bitterness towards Hadiism for its anti-clericalism. His siblings went on to become priests while Vyakelas had managed to enter a military college. He left it a low-ranking infantry officer in the People’s Army and was stationed in Harr’nrr.

News of the coming royalist uprising came to him through a close associate who believed Vyakelas to be a sympathizer. While Vyakelas initially sought to report him, he eventually decided to join the rebellion for unclear reasons. Vyakelas has given many claims for why he came to fight for the NKA over the years. At times he has said that he viewed the NKA as the proper form of Tajara governance, or that he left that his association with a conspiractor would get him purged anyways, or that he simply wished to test his skills on the battlefield. Since the armistice Vyakelas sticks to saying that he joined the royalists to reclaim his family’s old prestige.

With the outbreak of the uprising in 2450 Vyakelas served as a Jabrut Almumalik for the first two years of the war. But he was promoted to service as a Grand Duke’s replacement for Mrraka’te’almalik when said Duke was told that he would be sent to aid Royalist forces on Amohda. For 8 years Vyakelas fought alongside Amohdan royalists against the ALA and People’s Army on the isle. With the signing of the non-aggression pact between the NKA and DPRA he was moved to Harr’masir with his forces to assist in the 2461 offensive. His knowledge of PRA tactics proved useful on the field but he struggled to achieve victory in Amohda all the same. For this, Vyakelas blames the NKA’s preference towards its navy over its land army. While his failures would be blamed on the lack of attention given to the Imperial Army he was swift to credit his victories to himself and his patron god of Rrredouane. He had also met with Queen Shumaila, then royal heir and a fellow Mrraka’te’almalik, and a friendship formed between the two.

With the armistice, Vyakelas was allowed to remain in his position and continue overseeing the operations of the Imperial Army. His growing dislike of the Imperial Navy became clearer overtime as more and more of his reports demanding industrial support be taken from the navy and put into the army became circulated in the government and public. A brewing rivalry between himself and the admiralty has become the subject of much speculation and rumor. Grand Admiral Mahtra Dynhas in particular has had few good words to say about Vyakelas in his interviews, even going as far as to disparage the man for his failures to convince his siblings to immigrate to the New Kingdom. The animosity became mutual quickly. With his ascension to Field-Marshal by Queen Shumaila, Vyakelas has gained the authority he may need to finally institute his dreams of a new model Imperial Army.

Vyakelas is a polyglot with an interest in studying Tajaran and alien languages, described by some as even able to speak a few phrases of Sinta’unathi. Though once awkward in the parties and galas of noble life that changed with his marriage to a Amohdan noblewoman in 2456, with whom he has had several children since. Much of his time away from his duties after the war is spent with them at a villa outside of Kaltir.

A portrait of Rrhazhal Zarkradar'Akhan, circa 2420.

Rrhazhal Zarkradar'Akhan

Rrhazhal was born in 2380 to the noble Njarir’Akhran Zarkradar'Akhan line, however, he was a legitimized bastard of a Zhan-Kazan maid. As the youngest of his brothers, Rrhazhal was sent into the service of the Azunja family as King Farkhanzirhal Azunja's servant at the age of 10. King Azunja noticed the young child had a talent for philosophy and strategy. The two had many intellectual discussions together as Rrhazhal quickly became a trusted advisor of King Farkhanzirhal by the time he was 20. At this time, King Azunja decided he trusted Rrhazhal with protecting the life of the newly born Vahzirthaamro. On the eve of the First Civil War, Rrhazhal was tasked with training the peasantry of Kaltir in order to defend their fiefdom and nobility against attackers. When Kaltir was annexed by the People's Republic of Adhomai in 2432, Farkhanzirhal frenziedly ordered Rrhazhal to hide Vahzirthaamro before People's Republic soldiers stormed the palace, killing almost everyone. From then on Rrhazhal Zarkradar'Akhan personally accompanied Vahzirthaamro Azunja as his protector and chief advisor.

In 2450, once the New Kingdom had officially declared independence from the People's Republic of Adhomai, Rrhazhal Zarkradar'Akhan was promoted to the rank of Field-Marshal personally by King Azunja, and oversaw all military operations inside of the New Kingdom of Adhomai. Respected for his tactical skill but notorious for his radical belief that a compromise is not possible and a complete return to the old nobility is Adhomai's only option for peace, Rrhazhal Zarkradar'Akhan is one of the oldest nobles left on Adhomai. After the Second Revolution’s conclusion Rrhazhal Zarkradar’Akhan finally retired in 2464. His replacement took over following a ceremony held in Rrhazhal’s honor. Since then Rrhazhal has lived peacefully and privately in a manse owned by his lineage in Kaltir. It is believed his lineage is working towards cataloging his long life for a memoir.

Rrhazhal is old-fashioned, methodic, and extremely loyal. Accustomed to the strict military life, he rarely deviates from his routine. Zarkradar'Akhan is notorious for his lack of sense of humor. Rrhazhal's sharp mind began to show the signs of his age after the death of King Azunja; he sometimes forgets details and has trouble remembering previous days. His status as a mixed Tajara who held such a high position has made him a significant figure for those who advocate for the Kingdom’s mixed citizens. In his sparse free time, Rrhazhal enjoys practicing wood carving.

Grand Admiral Mahtra Dynhaas

A commissioned portrait of Grand Admiral Mahtra Dynhaas from his book cover, done in 2463.

Hailing from a royal cadet line and born in 2402, Dynhaas followed his father and brothers to join the Das’nrra Empire’s navy at a young age. When the First Revolution came, naval losses coupled with the rebel conquest of Das’nnra resulted in Dynhaas, the last man left of his line, surrendering and being imprisoned. With the war’s end in 2432, Dynhaas was offered a pardon by the Party in exchange for developing the Republican Navy. He would come to accept this over the alternative of death.

Accepting his defeat and believing that the age of nobility came to an end, Dynhaas came to view the Republican Navy as his new purpose in life. He worked to advance it alongside other pardoned nobles and founded the Oceanmasters Lounge, a private club within the naval officer corps. This path in life would change with the announcement of the New Kingdom of Adhomai. Believing that a way to restore the old glory days of kingdoms laid with the NKA, Dynhaas began to plan a revolt. Partnering with other sympathetic admirals, he had the Republican Navy’s Grand Admiral and several other loyalists killed on a fateful night at the Shastar Naval Base before fleeing eastwards in 2450. In the same year that the New Kingdom was declared, Dynhaas delivered them the strongest naval force Adhomai had ever seen. King Azunja had declared him the Kingdom’s Grand Admiral shortly after meeting with Dynhaas in Miran’mir.

With the Republican Navy's command almost crippled and the ALA unable to compete with their dominance of the sea, Dynhaas used his fleets during the war to support and supply the Royal Army while helping smash the enemies of the New Kingdom. The artillery barrages of his ships were important in coastal battles during the NKA's offensives while their supremacy saved the Royal Marines from certain destruction following the failed Ras'nrr expedition. The prestige of his position made Dynhaas an instant celebrity in the NKA as well. Many propaganda reels and photos showed him as a majestic lord of the sea, something he capitalized on heavily to present himself as the very pinnacle of noble glory. Always well-groomed, well-dressed, and impeccable at talking despite whatever circumstances he was in, Dynhaas never passed the opportunity to host an interview. Most notable was Dynhaas' interview on his opinions of xenos of the S'rand’marr coalition, conducted on his capital vessel while it sieged Nal'tor in the final stages of the war. His statements on Unathi and Skrell were less than positive. After the expulsion of the People's Republic from Harr'masir in 2461, Admiral Mahtra infamously ordered the Royal Navy to engage in an unrestricted bombardment campaign of the eastern Hadiist coast. Cities and villages were targets of frequent naval artillery strikes; the battleships shelled military and civilian targets indiscriminately. The Navy infamously used incendiary shells during these attacks, causing entire neighborhoods to be engulfed in firestorms.

Post-war, Dynhaas went on several speaking tours in the first year of the armistice. Traveling from city to city, his public events were used to promote his upcoming biography and drew crowds in the tens of thousands. Politically, he maintains that the future of the NKA always lies within the navy, and that the industry of the New Kingdom must always retain a heavy focus on their shipyards. Dynhaas has also been vocal in his beliefs of a stronger monarch, often using the emergency powers King Azunja had as an example of the strong benefits that could come with such. He is yet to comment at all on his supposed rival, Mira'zkui, at all. Vyakelas Klyuchevsky’s promotion to Field-Marshal has brought their grudge to the forefront of the New Kingdom’s tabloids and gossip.

Mahtra is an infamous glory hound; his boisterous and prideful personality is often the source of much interpersonal conflict. Dynhaas can not go long without telling war stories or exalting his actions during the previous conflict. Among the Royalists circles, the Grand Admiral is either loved or hated. Mahtra is never seen out of his fancy dress uniform adorned by a large roll of medals.

Grand Duke Akym Yudenikh

Born in the Das'nrra Empire to a noble family in 2412, Akym Yudenikh survived the First Revolution by escaping to Northern Harr'masir and hiding his identity. After the Hadiist occupation of the Kingdom of Kaltir, Yudenikh joined the People's Republic bureaucracy; he became responsible for the administration of the local rail system. Akym was infamous for his corruption; he frequently sold permits, disregarded contraband reports, and accepted bribes.

Because of his background, Akym was contacted by the underground royalist movement. He quickly became one of the main supporters of the group; he used his position within the Hadiist government to secure supplies and funding for the incoming uprising. Weapons, machinery, and ammunition were diverted to the Royalist cells. Akym was awarded the title of baron, a seat in the parliament, and some land confiscated from the People's Republic when Vahzirthaamro returned. However, his ambitions did not stop there. Using the money made from his time as a Republican bureaucracy, alongside whatever profit he could extract from his new holdings, Yudenikh continued to acquire more estate. Newly liberated farms were sold to him at a meager price thanks to his connections within the government. In a question of years, he became a Grand Duke and one of the major landowners of the New Kingdom. Akym controversially used prisoners of war as workers in his plantations during the Second Revolution as part of deals with the military.

Following the Armistice, Akym Yudenikh now leads the Royalist Party; his main mission is to maintain the status quo. The continuation of the constitutional monarchy and the privileges of the nobility align perfectly with his interests. He is one of the major supporters of further deals with megacorporations. Grand Duke Akym is not afraid to use his position to protect his interest in the parliament. Under his vision, prosperity for the New Kingdom means more power and wealth to its elite.

While Akym might appear friendly and easygoing at the first sight, this facade hides treacherous tendencies. The Grand Duke only keeps a secret if it benefits him directly; anything else is fair game in the social game of the New Kingdom's nobility. Thanks to this behavior, Yudenikh has his clique of noble friends who frequently support each other in political and personal affairs. As a lover of the finer things in life, the Grand Duke likes to hold feasts, bet on Zhsram races, and collect bottles of Nm'shaan Liquor.

Prince Serhiy Oliinyk

Born as the third son to a family of Njarir'Akhran in 2434, Serhiy Oliinyk's life was profoundly affected by events over which he had no control. Raised in a household of avid royalists supporters, Serhiy was exposed to his parents' ideology since his youth. However, the boy had his reservations in regards to the possible return of the monarchy; he doubted that they could truly avoid the mistakes of the past. For his support during the uprising in Northern Harr'masir, the patriarchy of the Oliinyk family was given a seat in the parliament, a title of nobility, and a modest tract of land. Serhiy mistakenly believed that he could escape his bloodline's obligation thanks to his status as the third child. He already had a passion in his life: playing the P'rrama.

The war was cruel to the Oliinyk. Serhiy's brothers were killed while serving the army. This put him in an uneasy position as the heir of a parliamentary seat. The growing debt forced his father to sell whatever land they had left; the Oliinyk had officially joined the ranks of landless nobility. The final blow came in 2459 with the bombing of the Parliament; Serhiy inherited his progenitor's seat after his demise in the attack. The young musician was thrown into the midst of the New Kingdom's politics. Influenced by his social status and beliefs, he aligned himself to the Commoners Party.

If he is truly unable to escape his fate, Prince Serhiy decided to make the best out of it. Because of his age and a family full of martyrs, Serhiy became the Commoners Party's main spokesperson. Convincing the Queen to support the Populists will not be easy; the Conservatives and Absolutists are far more powerful and influential. A powerful strategy is necessary to guarantee the Commoners Party triumph in the parliament. Serhiy plans to retire from politics after the hereditary parliamentary positions are abolished and the Kingdom is fairer to its population. He hopes to return to his greatest passion: music.

Prince Oliinyk is a reserved person who prefers the company of his few trusted friends to the parties and neverending social schemes of the New Kingdom. Serhiy tries his hardest to separate his role in the parliament from his private life; he relies mostly on political alliances instead of his friendships to gather support. Besides his passion for music, Oliinyk enjoys frequenting Kaltir's theaters.

Count Tscherim Sanguszkho

Hailing from a cadet house of the Rrhakaslov dynasty, Tscherim Sanguszkho was born in 2433 shortly after his family escaped to Kaltir to avoid the First Revolution's massacres. He was raised on a small farm frequented by disposed nobles and royalist sympathizers. Sheltered from the rest of Adhomai, he grew only knowing the world only through the nostalgic tales of pre-contact Njarir'Akhran, The Sanguszkho family was quick to offer their support to King Azunja when he returned; the Tscherim's father was given a seat in the parliament. Tscherim became a low-ranking officer in the army.

Tscherim Sanguszkho's military career came to an end in 2460 when he was gravely wounded in combat. Taking advantage of his pension and family's position, Tscherim spent the next years in gentlemen's clubs. In these places, he entered into contact with radical Absolute Royalists and became deeply interested in esoteric beliefs. Tscherim founded his organization in 2462: the Njarir'Akhran Renewal Fraternity. Drawing inspiration from the stories of an idealized pre-First Contact society, the ideology known as Revival Royalism was born from the Fraternity's meetings. Posing as a regular club, Tscherim was able to introduce other nobles to his ideals. Knowing that the task of enforcing the old order was not an easy one, Sanguszkho chose a common enemy to unite the kingdom against: the Tajara of mixed heritage.

Tscherim's plan came to fruition when his father died in a car accident in 2463; he inherited a landed title, a state, and a seat in the Parliament. Shortly after, the Njarir'Akhran Renewal Fraternity opened its membership to the public and made its intentions clear. Thanks to a deal with the Officers and Royal parties, the Fraternity became the fourth faction in the Parliament. Despite being the leader of the smallest Party, Count Tscherim has already begun to plot to slowly introduce his ideology into the New Kingdom.

Tscherim is commonly described as eccentric, volatile, and intelligent. The Count is prone to descend into long, grandstanding rants - for every subject, he has a strong opinion that is bound to divide the room he is in. Sanguszkho's demagogic tendencies have earned him a fair share of allies and enemies. Aside from his interest in esoteric ideas, Tscherim is a heavy drinker who frequently visits all kinds of pubs.

Ser Mrakhanjurl Ii'rka

Mrakhanjurl was born in 2422 in a Zhan-Khazan family in a small village outside Olska. He received little education nor traveled far outside his village. As soon as he came of age at 16 he joined the rest of the village mining bauxite ore to be shipped to Olska to make aluminum. He eventually lost both parents to lung cancer from the mine's poor ventilation before he was 23. In 2452, when he was 29, he traveled with a dozen other Zhan-Khazan miners several miles to Olska to join a protest against the new legislation of President Hadii that was meant to crack down 'subversive elements' that many felt were unfair to Zhan-Khazan. The army was called in and brutally repressed the demonstration, which saw Mrakhanjurl narrowly escape with his life. He returned to his village to find that it had been torched by the republican army for housing subversive agitators.

Mrakhanjurl mourned the loss of his village and was picked up by rebel militia, who revealed that they had managed to provide early warning to the village and evacuate over a dozen people, but the army had managed to find and kill all but a handful of survivors. In gratitude for the rebels dying for his village, and to avenge the deaths, Mrakhanjurl joined the armed resistance that eventually joined itself under the New Kingdom of Adhomai. In a very short few years became a remarkable marksman, gaining the most recorded kills of any Tajara sniper. Current New Kingdom estimates put Mrakhanjurl's kill count at 285, 32 of those enemy PRA snipers.

Mrakhanjurl also managed to evacuate countless civilians from Republic territory to northern New Kingdom holdings. During the famous Rout of the 2nd Battalion, in which New Kingdom defenders unsuccessfully attempted to prevent Republican forces from capturing Baltor, Mrakhanjurl assumed command of the 4th Company after both its leading officers had been killed by sniper fire. Despite a serious gunshot wound to the leg Mrakhanjurl began shouting orders and rallied the shattered defenders, who were the last line of defense between the advancing Republic forces and thousands of refugees attempting to flee the city. The Rally of the 4th Company on 2456 successfully managed to delay advancing Republic troops long enough for thousands of more refugees to escape into New Kingdom territory who would otherwise face atrocity.

For his bravery and growing fame (which was now considered too important to risk in the war effort), Mrakhanjurl was given the Order of the Victorious Sun, the highest honor in the New Kingdom, as well as being the first Zhan-Khazan in history to be given the noble rank of Ser. He remains a hero to the Zhan-Khazan and the New Kingdom.

King of the Mountains Rustam Harmaliik

A portrait of the king in his riding regalia, done in 2454.

Rustam Harmaliik was born in 2427 as the son of a deposed Njarir'Akhran noble family. He spent most of his youth in the rural region of Harr'masir, where he had contact with some groups of Rhazar'Hrujmagh that inhabited the region. As an adult, he found employment in law enforcement and was sent by the People’s Republic to support the efforts to settle the rock nomads of the Harr’masir region in 2448 as a Republican official.

While working alongside the authorities to make sure that the nomadic Zhan would accept and adopt a sedentary lifestyle, Rustam grew more interested in their culture and became skeptical of the Hadii’s regime and how they were treating the Rock Nomads. Unrest among the Rhazar'Hrujmagh soon followed, and Rustam would try to offer his support in any way possible, such as sabotaging equipment shipment or relaying misleading intelligence. The government soon realized his treason, forcing Rustam to abandon his post and escape into the wilderness.

Rustam found shelter among a caravan of the Rhazar'Hrujmagh, and soon adopted their way of life. Unrest and resistance continued among the rock nomads, and Harmaliik joined their struggle against the People’s Republic. With the New Kingdom’s rebellion, the control of the region waned and the Republican efforts shifted to other problems, which allowed the nomad resistance to blossom into guerrilla warfare. Rustam climbed the ranks of his caravan’s forces, winning prestige and favor by leading them against the Republican forces.

The second revolution happened, and the Rhazar'Hrujmagh resistance continued. Rustam assumed the leadership of his adopted caravan and aimed to acquire more support among the other Rock Nomads. Through the years of the conflict, he gathered more men and wagons under his command, through diplomacy or conquest, but limiting himself to defensive tactics, ambushes, and raids. The political stance of Harmaliik has always been one of neutrality in the conflict, never compromising fully with the Adhomai Liberation army, due to his Njarir’Akhran origins and monarchist sentiments, and never declaring any support to the New Kingdom, in fear of losing the trust of his fellow nomads,

Due to a republican offensive against the nomadic guerrillas in 2461, Rustam decided to declare himself the Almalik’Rhazar, a word roughly translated as "leader of the mountains", following an ancient nomadic tradition that allows the largely independent Rock Nomad caravans to elect a ruler among themselves. This decision alienated him from his ALA allies and the other nomads, forcing him to side with the New Kingdom of Adhomai. Harmaliik and his caravans have joined the kingdom war effort. He and his people were later granted the southeast territories of the New Kingdom for their support during the conflict.

Brother Mikhail Ordau

Little is known about Mikhail Oradu’s parentage. He was given to the Parivara at a very young age, left on the doorstep of Miran'mir's abbey. Thus the Family took him in as they do many small children, teaching him and educating him about S’rendarr and Messa. Mikhail was an accomplished writer for his age, but a speech impediment left him at a disadvantage when it came to oral presentations. The boy was known to be bookish, and spent much of his free time in the abbey’s library as well as its restricted section, thanks to his close friendship with the abbot.

He had an unusual interest in the sciences for a clergyman. As the Second Revolution loomed ahead, and whispers of splitting from the Republic crept into the local city, he busied himself with reading and tending to the monastery’s garden. Eventually, Miran’mir and all of northern Harr’masir split from the Republic to form the New Kingdom. With the war came plenty of hardship, and the Priests of S’rendarr did their best to help alleviate the tragedy amongst the peasants.

With little farmable land and a severe manpower disadvantage, the New Kingdom struggled to provide for its people. Starvation was a very real threat, and the abbey’s garden was not sufficient. A conflicted Mikhail turned once again to the abbey’s library and science for an answer; and, as though a miracle from the Suns themselves, one came. He discovered an ancient text detailing breeding methods for slaves, from long before the First Revolution. Suggestions on how to pass on desirable traits and mannerisms; to breed subservience. Controversial, but an unknowing descriptor of genetics and hereditary traits.

It was armed with this knowledge that Mikhail set about breeding new plants. Earthen roots, dirt berries, and more were cultivated for generations by Mikhail, aiming to pass on traits like hardiness and vitality. The plants became much more accustomed to growing in harsh conditions thanks to his work, and as the New Kingdom pushed back the Republicans and gained more territory, these hardier plants were easier to grow in the shell-shocked muddy battlefields. The threat of starvation became less and less pressing as more and more farms could deal with the way the war affected the terrain. For his efforts, Brother Mikhail was afforded a personal audience with the King.

Oleg Al'Mor

Born Oleg Murkov Al-Al’Mori in 2400, Oleg was a teenager when humanity stumbled upon the Tajara. His simple life of working and indentured servitude was suddenly upended with the influx of new ideals; he and his family, along with a contingent of other refugees of war avoided the conflicts erupting across the planet by staying in the mountains of Northern Harr’masir. To pass the time and keep themselves entertained, the telling of fireside epics became common. Oleg was noted to be imaginative with his tales even then, regaling other Tajara with stories of war and love.

Eventually, however, the nomadic hunter-gatherer life in the mountains could no longer support their numbers, and Oleg’s group descended from their hiding place. By this point, rebel armies had mostly taken hold of Kal’tir and the surrounding areas, giving Oleg relative freedom. When the war finally came to an end in 2432, Oleg was well known as a traveling bard and performer who earned his living using his creative skills entertaining war-weary soldiers and newly freed slaves. The stability that came with the formation of the People’s Republic afforded Oleg the opportunity to settle down in Kal’tir once again, where he took an interest in the local theater scene.

His first play, The Jester’s End, pioneered the form of black comedy and was a throwback to the days of servitude. Over the course of his career in Kal’tir, Oleg penned many more plays under his pseudonym Oleg Al’Mor, out of fear of inviting reprisals from the People’s Republic. Oleg’s plays were often scandalous or controversial for challenging the traditional morality held by Tajara. However, as time went on, his works became formulaic and much less shocking, and thus by extension more palatable to the average Tajara. Black comedy found a good home amongst the countless war veterans of the First Revolution.

Oleg considered himself an intellectual, and when the New Kingdom of Adhomai split from the People’s Republic he was an outspoken supporter. He and his family had experienced the benefits of the old ways, and with his considerable wealth from play royalties, he financed the New Kingdom with donations. Sadly, Oleg Al’Mor passed away in December of 2460 after completing his final work. The play, titled A Maiden’s Voyage, was particularly well-received, with even the King himself getting a private showing. Many of his works are still performed in theaters all over the New Kingdom’s territory.

Others

Father Valyan K'rrirran

"From the stars, he saw Adhomai's cities and mountains become nothing more than specks. When he beheld the planet from far away, he realized that it was a small dot within this vast new galaxy. It was then he saw how truly special our homeland and our people are."

-Father Valyan K'rrirran, written as the ending to the prologue in his novel "An Introduction to The Twin Suns", 2430.

Born in 2406 to a family of merchants in Dras’nrra, Valyan chose to join the faith at a young age, and became a fully-fledged Priest of S'rendarr in the midst of the First Revolution. It was during this time that Valyan had also become one of the first few Tajara to leave Adhomai. Settling on Xanu Prime in 2426 and remaining there until the war’s end in 2431, Valyan provided much of the first glimpses into the theology of the Tajara during this time. He, later on, returned home after publishing his novel written in Tau Ceti Basic on the history of the S’rendarr and Messa. Following the Second Revolution, he had replaced Walid Al’qat as The Father of the Parivara after Al’qat died of heart failure. Since gaining his position in 2462 the new Father has already demonstrated to Adhomai that he is able to rise to the task of leading the Parivara. Alongside his archivers, he had revealed misinterpretations in the vows of the Suns Sisters and amended the Vow of Silence to the original Vow of Whispers.

The Father has kept this momentum of progress going forward. In the same year, he began to assist with several archeological digs across Adhomai to gather more information on not just the history of the Suns faith, but also of the Tajara people. Much of this collection is digitalized and shared through a newly developed site (Simply dubbed “Parivara and Tajara History.pra”.) made by an influx of well-educated acolytes. Now, any curious Tajara or alien can find a trove of information on the Parivara and new details on the species’ history. This mix of preserving old traditions alongside progressing aspects of the church has made Valyan popular among the younger generations of Tajara, kindling their interest in the faith. K’rrirran once again made a historical change as he became the first Father to leave Sana Sahira. He embarked on a journey to each country’s capital to petition their governments for support for Parivara orphanages. K’rrirran returned largely successful and with his standing among the faithful of Adhomai heightened.

However, Valyan is not free of any controversy. Some conspiracy theorists believe that he could have had a hand in the death of the previous Father, citing the lack of provided medical care and the quick selection of Valyan as the new Father. Others point to his connection to the revitalized Kin of S’rendarr and believe him to be funding the Kin, supplying them with off-world equipment and arms to continue their war against whoever is deemed the faith’s enemy. Nonetheless, these are regarded as little more than baseless rumors by much of the population. K’rriran’s PRA leg of his 2464 journey was also plagued by local disinterest in Nal’tor and an inability to dissuade anti-religious sentiments.

Tufir Nazzirai

Tufir Nazzirai forever changed Adhomai with six laser pistol shots in 2451. Very few details are known about the Zhan-Khazan. It is known that he was a member of the People's Strategic Intelligence Services where he served as a field agent. It is known that he was 26 when he carried out the assassination of Al'marii Hadii. It is known that he had used an energy pistol, an advanced and rare weapon for a Tajara on Adhomai. Any other records of him have been removed from archives in the PRA by the PSIS. Many believe that only the upper party will know the full truth of Tufir Nazzirai. Theories abound about the Tajara and his motives. Some think that he was a double agent working for the Sol SIIB, received his pistol from them, and killed Al'marii Hadii on their orders. Some think him to be a Crevan who killed Hadii for clamping down on his city's businesses and causing economic turmoil. Some point to him as a Zhan-Khazan frustrated with his people's suppression who had decided to take revenge on the man behind it all. If one was to ask a dozen Tajara about it they could receive a dozen different answers. The lack of clarity about Tufir, his motives, and swift hidden trial and execution opens itself to boundless theorization and propaganda usage.

Tufir's legacy is one that cannot be avoided. His name is associated with betrayal and disaster of the highest scale. The PRA maintains that he was a monstrous reactionary who had done the murder to try and end the dream of Hadiism and that his Zhan-Khazan genetics' contributed to his desire for murder. The Al'mariists see him as a corporate agent who killed Hadii for NanoTrasen after Al’marii pulled back on deals with the shadowy corporation. But, for some, Tufir Nazzirai became a martyr. Citizens of the NKA point to him as a hero, despite his position, for killing the man that founded the PRA. Conservatives in the DPRA hold similar views as Al'marii Hadii was the one who began the suppression of local cultures and religions. Zhan-Khazan groups will also claim him to be a hero of their people. But, no idols or statues for him exist anywhere on Adhomai and beyond. Every day Tufir as a person slips away further and further into legend and infamy.

Crown Voices

Crown Voices are an all-female Tajara singing group hailing from the NKA, they specialize in vocal jazz and classical performances. Due to this, they have performed alongside a variety of bands providing musical accompaniment with the longest-lasting being a Zhan group called "The Underclass Brass". While relatively unknown, the three members were lifted from the edge of poverty by Prince Serhiy Oliinyk, who saw potential in them. Their biggest performance was at the Kaltir Royal Theater, where they performed an album titled "Northern Frost", written by an anonymous writer.

The song was panned by royalist critics, accusing him of attempting to push "misguided Nateedist ideas calling them unity." Yasmin Piaf surprisingly also spoke out against the group, accusing them of being an obvious and cheap copy.

Still, the group reaped applause and general positivity from lower nobles and peasantry, establishing them as a popular band among the lower social strata.

Masha Il-Azura

Masha is a Hharar, born during the later inter-war era she was only a child when the war began. She, however, lived a relatively well-off life as her father was a lawyer, allowing her to get proper musical education and graduate with honors. She and her family funded the band's early endeavors and with her help, they were noticed by prince Oliinyk. She is very quiet off-stage and prefers to avoid any interviews or conferences, many question why she even decided to become a celebrity. She does, however, seem very at ease with the other band members and when performing.

Ilvya Kolovova

Ilvya is a Zhan-khazan, born during the middle of the inter-war period making her the oldest member of the band. She is also the shortest of the three, despite being a Zhan-khazan, making her quite an oddity. She makes up for this with her forward and aggressive personality, as she was raised alongside 6 brothers on the streets of Kaltir. She is also the only member of the group with performing experience, as she provided musical accompaniment in multiple late-night bars. Due to her small size, she has the highest-pitched voice of the trio.

I’sha S’rremich

I'sha is an oddity even in the band, born during the late inter-war period she is only slightly older than Il-Azura. Born to a dockworker, she spent most of her youth doing hard labor, the sea shanties she'd sing with her father are what eventually got her a well-off spot in a local bar. In this bar she would meet with Kolovova and eventually Il-Azura. She is cool, levelheaded, and slow to agitate, serving as the spokesperson and centerpiece of the trio. Her critics also describe her as ugly and boyish, as she refuses to wear a dress, on or off-stage, due to her rough upbringing.

Rikdar Al'Manq

Rikdar was born on 2429 the noble Njarir’Akhran Bayan line in Nal'Tor, with Bayan being his birth name. However, his parents were disappeared by Republic secret police in one of the frequent purges of Njarir’Akhran and he was put into state-run foster care. He has raised in the House Of Young Patriots orphanage until he was adopted at 14 to Hharar parents and took their last name of Al'Manq. As he was going to school his parents and teachers immediately took notice of his artistic abilities and interest in painting, which the orphanage had initially tried to discourage. In 2446, when he was 18, Rikdar won an art contest where he submitted a portrait of his Environmental Geology teacher and gained a prestigious scholarship in the Nal'Tor University of The Arts, a state-funded institution.

Rikdar attended the university for several years, though his studies were sometimes interrupted or delayed by the periodic waves of anti-Njarir’Akhran demonstrations and violence that gripped the campus. However, he quickly became a prodigy amongst his peers. Al'Manq's style of oil painting and doing portraits became a sensation in the capital, with the mayor and several city officials requesting their portraits done. Rikdar graduated from university at 20 years old in 2450 with a Bachelor of Arts. Having already received several high-profile commissions, including the then-President Al'Mari Hadii, whose portrait was done a week before his death. Al'Manq managed to survive the resulting chaos across Adhomai following the assassination of Al'Mari Hadii by the nature of his celebrity status, but his popularity remains confined within the major cities.

At only 29 years old in 2458 the Al'Manq Style has already become a famous style of painting across Adhomai. The Al'Manq Style is noted for its use of rich oil-based paint that focuses on portraits and profiles. The colors are often bold or show rich texture and color. The hands of Tajara are painted without being anatomically correct. Critics blast Al'Manq's apparent inability to draw hands correctly but Rikdar has stated that it's his personal style. This has influenced other artists, and many attempting to pay homage to Al'Manq draw hands as stubby. Rikdar remains extremely popular on Adhomai. The People's Republic remains a quiet supporter of his work, and state officials pay him handsome commissions for their portraits to be done, though they frown on him taking commissions from New Kingdom officials as well. The Adhomai Liberation Army has painted Rikdar as just another nobleman and several members of the Liberation Army have given open contempt for his work.

Bloodstorm

Bloodstorm is a famous and infamous DPRA Heavy Metal Band that has surged in popularity with the younger “denier” generation. Those in this generation are categorized not only by refusing the current status quo, but also have a general disdain towards a complete return to Tajara roots or liberalization through corporations. Fans of this band are usually punks, anarchists,s and jaywalkers. While the band mostly operated inside the DPRA, during one of their galactic tours their citizenships were revoked, making it impossible for them to return to Adhomai. They currently preside in Mendell City.

Vargir Stenovich “Godslayer”

The lead guitarist of the group, Vargir Stenovich is known as the spokesperson of the band and the most controversial figures. Admitting to being a Raskara cultist in public and calling out the Parivara on their “bedding with the government”. Vargir has been involved in numerous scandals including protesting military parades, playing one of his songs next to a work camp without permission, and lastly ingesting drugs on live television and proceeding to slander the ALA for bombing the NKA parliament.

Photo of Al-Atil at the Mztel'Mir concert, "War Is Fuck, Let's Do It", circa 2459.

Janos Al-Lung “Drowner”

Janos is the bassist of Bloodstorm and the only band member without a criminal record. He has frequently butted heads with Stenovich over the political extremities the band goes through to discredit not only PRA and NKA but also DPRA. Janos Al-Lung is currently the only member of Bloodstorm that is trying to re-apply for a DPRA citizenship.

Al-Atil Csihar “Nightmaster”

The vocalist, Al-Atil, is known for his “mrowl”, a high, long, yelp that is recorded as the loudest sound produced by a Tajara. He loves to interact with the public and often stays behind on the podium to sign autographs and fans using black or red spray paint.

Cecil Kernov “Bloodletter”

Cecil is the Drummer and has actually served time, unlike the other band members. Kernov has his nickname for a reason as he’s been charged with armed assault during his youth, which is how he met with Vargir. Later in life, he was arrested again, after he had brutally assaulted a fan who had climbed on stage with a drum, getting it stuck on said Tajara’s head and pushing him off the stage with a dropkick. This led to multiple fractures and long-term disabilities for the fan.

The Mist “Mih”

A yet unknown band member by the public, “Mih” remains anonymous always wearing a mask in public and never speaking. He plays the P'rrama, an old Tajara string instrument, with 8 strings mirrored in a long horn-like pipe that extends to the ground which emits a loud, brass twanging noise described as an over-amped guitar. "Mih" has been under investigation multiple times, however, the enigmatic member always manages to avoid the authorities.

Most Notable Albums Include:

The Freezing Blizzard - An early, human metal-inspired album. "The Mih" was not a member at this time and the music avoids political messaging, mostly focused on heavy guitar riffs.

War Is Fuck, Let's Do It - The "central" album of the band that rocketed them to popularity. Its anti-war messages resonated with a lot of the younger audiences who were tired of the usual acoustic and traditional sorrowful performances, preferring this new aggressive style.

If Messa Was Here She'd Be a Whore - A distinctly anti-Parivara album, attacking their behavior towards women and female priests. The Mih joins the band around this time, employing the now-iconic P'rrama. While initially released to negative reviews, it slowly became a fan favorite.

We Live in a Society - A very hateful album, attacking every faction on Adhomai, including the human Sol and Nanotrasen and their presence there.

Shell In, Spine Out - Another anti-war album, the band's first attempt to create a narrative album describing the life of a dying soldier. Received both negatively and positively by the fans.

S'rrendar Loves You Except He Doesn't - The critique of Parivara escalates in this album, would remain unnotable if it wasn't for the recording of Cecil attacking a fan with the drum.

If You're Old You Should Die - A call to arms, actively encouraging the younger generations to overthrow the current system and drag all the politicians down. For many, this was a return to form, but also most likely the album that led to Bloodstorm's exile from the DPRA.